A continuation from the homepage.
The IAMA unearthed these truths during its third investigation in 2009, following a shadowy inquiry that began in 1996. What now lies hidden will send chills down the spines of readers of absentjustice.com as they peek behind the evidence files I provided to the IAMA Ethics and Professional Affairs Committee between July and November 2009 (see ). These files reveal corruption not as a relic of the past but as a living, breathing force that continues to shape outcomes today.
Conclusion: Justice Delayed, Truth Preserved
The Arbitraitor is not merely a book—it is a reckoning. It forces readers to confront corruption that has festered for decades, reminding us that justice delayed is justice denied. The evidence files, preserved against all odds, stand as proof that truth cannot be erased. They are the lifeline of accountability, ensuring that even when institutions fail, the record of betrayal remains to be exposed.
This project has endured a harrowing evolution, navigating through a relentless maze of writing and editing to expose the sinister truths lurking in the shadows. The deep-rooted corruption entwining Telstra with the key figures in the arbitration process demanded painstaking revisions. The narratives we uncovered formed a twisted and treacherous web—saturated with deceit, secrecy, intimidation, and nefarious tactics—so convoluted that any straightforward chronological account became nearly impossible to reconstruct.
At point 2.3 in the arbitrator's draft award, he states:
"Although the time taken for completion of the arbitration may have been longer than initially anticipated, I hold neither party nor any other person responsible. Indeed, I consider that the matter has proceeded expeditiously in all the circumstances. Both parties have cooperated fully."
On the right side of this statement's column, a handwritten note reads, "Do we really want to say this?"
While there's a point 2.2 in Dr Hughes final award, there's no point 2.3.
On September 26, 1997, John Pinnock, the second appointed Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman and the second administrator of the COT arbitrations, formally addressed a Senate estimates committee. He noted on page 99 of the COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA - Parliament of Australia Hansard record that:
“In the process leading up to the development of the arbitration procedures – the claimants were told clearly that documents were to be made available to them under the FOI Act.
“Firstly, and perhaps most significantly, the arbitrator had no control over that process, because it was a process conducted entirely outside the ambit of the arbitration procedures.”
The Fallout
The words Pinnock delivered on 26 September 1997 did not vanish into the sterile air of the Senate chamber. They lingered, heavy and corrosive, like smoke that clings to the walls long after the fire has gone. For the claimants of the COT Cases, his testimony was more than bureaucratic doublespeak — it was confirmation that the arbitration process had been hijacked, twisted into something unrecognisable.
Behind the polished veneer of procedure, the machinery of justice had been dismantled. The arbitrator, stripped of control, had become a figurehead, while unseen hands operated the levers in secret. The agreements signed in good faith were now revealed as traps — contracts that promised fairness but delivered betrayal.
The senators shifted in their seats, some scribbling notes, others staring at Pinnock with the kind of suspicion reserved for men who speak too smoothly. His calm delivery was the mask of a man who knew more than he was willing to admit. The contempt in his tone was unmistakable, as though the claimants' suffering were a nuisance, an inconvenience to be brushed aside.
Outside the chamber, whispers began to spread. Journalists caught fragments of his testimony, their pens scratching furiously as they tried to decode the implications. Was this incompetence, or was it deliberate? Had the Ombudsman himself become part of a system designed not to resolve disputes, but to bury them?
For Alan Smith and the other COT members, the realisation was chilling. They had stepped into arbitration believing it was a path to justice. Instead, they had walked into a labyrinth where the rules shifted in the dark, and every turn led deeper into deception. Pinnock’s words were not just testimony — they were evidence of a conspiracy, a glimpse into a treacherous design that reached far beyond the chamber walls.
The Larger Conspiracy
The pattern was becoming clear. Telstra’s faults had been documented, AUSTEL’s draft reports had condemned their conduct, and yet those reports were buried, withheld from the very people who needed them most. Now, years later, the Ombudsman himself admitted that the arbitrator had no control, that the process had slipped into shadows beyond the agreed framework.
It was as if the entire system had been constructed to fail the claimants — to grind them down, to exhaust them, to ensure that the truth never saw daylight. The arbitration was not a mechanism of justice; it was a weapon, wielded against those who dared to challenge the power of a telecommunications giant.
And Pinnock, seated under the Senate lights, was the custodian of that weapon. His testimony was not the language of oversight. It was the language of betrayal. The evidence tampering was real, as the following image shows.
Remember to hover your mouse or cursor over the images as you scroll down the homepage.
The Turning Point
For the COT Cases, this moment became a turning point. The façade of fairness had cracked, revealing the machinery of corruption beneath. The Senate hearing was no longer just an inquiry — it was a stage where the truth flickered briefly before being smothered again.
The victims were left with a haunting question: if the Ombudsman himself admitted that the arbitrator had no control, then who did? Who was pulling the strings, rewriting the rules, and ensuring that justice was never delivered?
The answer lay somewhere in the shadows — in boardrooms, in government offices, in corridors where power moved unseen. And as the claimants left the chamber that day, they knew the battle was no longer about arbitration. It was about exposing a conspiracy that had corrupted the very foundations of justice.
The Aftermath
The fabricated phone call was more than a lie — it was a weapon. And once it was unleashed, the damage was immediate. My reputation was shredded, the investigation halted, and the truth buried beneath layers of deceit.
But betrayal has a way of igniting resolve. For my partner and me, that moment became the beginning of a long, relentless crusade. We refused to accept the narrative written by Pinnock, Hughes, and Rundell. We refused to let their collaboration define the truth.
What followed was not a battle fought in courtrooms alone, but in archives, in letters, in endless nights spent piecing together fragments of evidence. Every document uncovered, every contradiction exposed, became another step in dismantling the façade they had built.
The corridors of power were lined with silence. Institutions turned away, unwilling to confront the corruption in their midst. Yet silence only sharpened our determination. For more than thirty years, we carried the weight of this fight, exposing the truths concealed by their falsehoods, refusing to let the lie stand unchallenged.
A Crusade Against Shadows
It was not just about clearing my name. It was about justice — for the COT Cases, for every claimant who had been betrayed by a system designed to fail them. The fabricated 2:00 AM call was a symbol of how easily truth could be twisted, how reputations could be destroyed with a single stroke of a pen.
We knew the conspiracy went beyond three men. It was systemic, woven into the fabric of institutions that claimed to protect fairness but instead shielded corruption. Each revelation, each document, each testimony became part of a larger mosaic — a picture of betrayal at the highest levels.
Thirty Years of Resistance
The journey has been long, marked by frustration, exhaustion, and moments of despair. But it has also been marked by resilience. We have stood against the silence, against the betrayal, against the machinery of power that sought to erase the truth.
And still, the fight continues. The lie may have been weaponised against me, but the truth remains. It waits in the shadows, demanding to be heard.
Had the government taken these simple steps thirty years ago, there would be no absentjustice.com or my book titled "The Arbitrator," which is set to be released on December 17, 2025Why did Dr Gordon Hughes state in his award at point 3.2 (h) that these problems had been fixed by July 1994, knowing full well that my ongoing billing problems had never been investigated? What sinister motive was behind this lie, and who was controlling what Dr Hughes could or could not investigate in my arbitration?
In a shocking display of corruption, AUSTEL colluded with Telstra, allowing the company to bypass the arbitration process entirely. On October 16, 1995—five months after my arbitration concluded—the arbitrator had already shamelessly rejected the requests of his consultants for additional time to investigate my persistent phone problems (see Open Letter File No/47-A to 47-D) and (Exhibit 45-c -File No/45-A),
which AUSTEL itself had deemed systemic faults. In a clandestine move, AUSTEL permitted Telstra to address my ongoing billing problems behind closed doors (see 46-L Open letter File No/46-A to 46-l). This underhanded scheme reveals the treacherous nature of these so-called arbitration officials—self-serving, duplicitous, and utterly devoid of integrity.
By facilitating this manoeuvre, AUSTEL condemned me to a fate in which I was denied my legal right to respond to Telstra’s defense to their October 16, 1995 submission (see Absent Justice Part 2 - Chapter 14 - Was it Legal or Illegal? ). This betrayal ensured that Telstra escaped the obligation to prove that my ongoing billing problems had been resolved, even as those issues persisted and tormented me for another nine years after I was forced to sell my business.
The foul residue of their malevolence still permeates the air in 2025, exposing the depths of their insidious corruption.
This harsh reality remained buried for nearly nine years, revealing a disturbing truth about the corruption embedded in Australia’s bureaucratic system—where deceit, concealment, and betrayal are allowed to fester under the guise of authority. The depth of this treachery was not only appalling but evil, driven by an arbitrator who betrayed his duty and my trust, and whose actions went on to destroy the business lives of the new owners of my company (see Chapter 4 The New Owners Tell Their Story)
“Hundreds of federal public servants were sacked, demoted or fined in the past year for serious misconduct. Investigations into more than 1000 bureaucrats uncovered bad behaviour such as theft, identity fraud, prying into file, leaking secrets. About 50 were found to have made improper use of inside information or their power and authority for the benefit of themselves, family and friends“
"Beware The Pen Pusher Power - Bureaucrats need to take orders and not take charge”, which noted:“Now that the Prime Minister is considering a wider public service reshuffle in the wake of the foreign affairs department's head, Finances Adamson, becoming the next governor of South Australia, it's time to scrutinise the faceless bureaucrats who are often more powerful in practice than the elected politicians."
"Outside of the Canberra bubble, almost no one knows their names. But take it from me, these people matter."
"When ministers turn over with bewildering rapidity, or are not ‘take charge’ types, department secretaries, and the deputy secretaries below them, can easily become the de facto government of our country."
"Since the start of the 2013, across Labor and now Liberal governments, we’ve had five prime ministers, five treasurers, five attorneys-general, seven defence ministers, six education ministers, four health ministers and six trade Ministers.”
This article was quite alarming. It was disturbing because Peta Credlin, someone with deep knowledge of Parliament House in Canberra, has accurately addressed the issue at hand. I not only relate to the information she presents, but I can also connect it to the many bureaucrats and politicians I have encountered since this ordeal began—before, during, and after my arbitration.
Bureaucrats as Puppeteers
Peta Credlin’s 2021 article in the Herald Sun exposes the staggering imbalance of power between bureaucrats and ministers. Ministers, stripped of genuine authority, are reduced to puppets manipulated by unelected officials who wield disproportionate influence. This dereliction of duty leaves the public interest vulnerable, as those entrusted to serve instead exploit their positions. The narrative here is not one of governance but of manipulation, in which bureaucrats act as tyrants rather than as servants of democracy.
The COT Cases and the Blockade of Truth
The corruption extends into the COT (Customer-Owned Telecommunications) Cases, where bureaucrats orchestrated a blockade to prevent investigation into ongoing telephone faults. Their calculated interference ensured that arbitrators remained blind to the truth, devastating businesses that sought justice. This deliberate obstruction highlights the insidious nature of bureaucratic power — not only failing to resolve problems but actively ensuring they remain hidden. The result was the destruction of livelihoods, sacrificed at the altar of corporate and bureaucratic interests.
A Chilling Reminder
The COT arbitrations stand as a chilling reminder of how bureaucrats can wield power not as servants of the people, but as tyrants cloaked in respectability. Their actions reveal a system where authority is abused, truth is suppressed, and justice is denied. What emerges is a portrait of governance corrupted from within, where those entrusted with responsibility betray the very citizens they are meant to protect.
The Denial of Justice in the COT Cases
“On some significant issues, the Australian Parliament has ceased to be a place of effective lawmaking by the people, for the people”"It has become commonplace for Parliamentarians to see a marathon supernuanced career out with ideals sacrificed for ambition"
• Who were the government bureaucrats who condoned the bugging during the COT arbitrations?• Were they the same individuals—or perhaps their successors—who approved the bugging of Timor-Leste’s offices?
Exposing the truth meant I faced a possible jail term.
It may be unsettling to confront, but in August 2001 and again in December 2004, the Australian Government issued chilling written threats (see Senate Evidence File No 12) warning me of potential contempt charges if I even dared to reveal the sinister contents of the in-camera Hansard records from July 6 and 9, 1998. These records lay bare a dark conspiracy: that ignoring the five COT cases under investigation by the Senate Committee, while leaving the remaining sixteen unresolved, would be a gross injustice against the ignored claimants. This damning observation came from none other than Senator Chris Schacht from South Australia, who stated on 9 July 1998, when addressing Telstra's arbitration liaison office in charge of downgrading my arbitration claims,
Senator SCHACHT speakes to Telstra's arbitration defence officer - Mr B------n, "I agree with the chair. We have a difficulty. In many senses, we all say, 'For God's sake. Telstra just give the last four all half a million or a million dollars each and stip it immediately.' But that would be an injustice to the 16 or whatever you have settled"
Senator Schacht revealed the troubling realities behind four COT cases involving Ann Garms, Ralph Bova, Ross Plowman, Anthony Honor, and Graham Schorer. Instead of the meagre sums of $500,000 or $1 million each initially suggested, these individuals were shockingly awarded over $18 million in punitive damages between them. This immense figure ballooned after the damning report dated January 7, 1999, from Scandrett & Associates to Senator Ron Boswell (referenced in Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13). The report laid bare a web of deep-seated corruption, exposing the alarming truth that communications regarding the COT Cases arbitration—fax exchanges among lawyers, accountants, and technical consultants—were being sinisterly intercepted and manipulated by Telstra before they reached their intended destinations. The statements provided by those who prepared this critical report for the Senate reveal the treachery and deceit lurking behind the facade of legal proceedings.
“We canvassed examples, which we are advised are a representative group, of this phenomena .
“They show that
- the header strip of various faxes is being altered
- the header strip of various faxes was changed or semi overwritten.
- In all cases the replacement header type is the same.
- The sending parties all have a common interest and that is COT.
- Some faxes have originated from organisations such as the Commonwealth Ombudsman office.
- The modified type face of the header could not have been generated by the large number of machines canvassed, making it foreign to any of the sending services.”
One of the two technical consultants attesting to the validity of this 7 January 1999 fax interception report emailed me on 17 December 2014, stating:
“I still stand by my statutory declaration that I was able to identify that the incoming faxes provided to me for review had at some stage been received by a secondary fax machine and then retransmitted, this was done by identifying the dual time stamps on the faxes provided.” (Front Page Part One File No/14)
When the government became aware that Telstra had been screening and potentially altering documents related to the arbitration of the COT Cases before re-faxing them to their designated recipients, it raised serious concerns about Telstra's interference with the due process of law. This interference was significant enough that the government feared the resulting report (Open Letter File No/12 and File No/13) could be so damaging that its public release might derail Telstra's ongoing privatisation efforts.
A Web of Betrayal and Corruption
Let me take you back to the moment when everything began to unravel. Just before the Canadian team arrived, Lane orchestrated a pre-investigation that would prove devastating. During the fraught COT arbitration, Ericsson quietly acquired Lane for an undisclosed sum. Imagine that: the very company under scrutiny suddenly owned the investigator. From that moment, the integrity of the process was poisoned.
Canadian authorities, meanwhile, chose to remain blind. They knew that if my claims against Bell Canada International were substantiated, it would expose serious flaws in their own telecommunications infrastructure. Such revelations would tarnish the reputations of firms they celebrated as technological leaders. Protecting prestige mattered more than defending truth.
DMR Group Canada Inc., tasked with overseeing Lane’s findings, delayed for eighteen months before finally signing off on a report in August 1997. By then, Lane had been absorbed into Ericsson, erased from the record. What arrived bore only DMR’s signature—a betrayal of transparency and trust.
Evidence of Corruption
The trail of documents tells its own story. On March 9, 1995, the Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman confirmed that DMR Group Canada was Lane’s principal technical advisor. Yet by April 7, 1995, Lane had already submitted draft findings based on just eleven per cent of my claim material. My meticulously compiled chronology of events—prepared by two senior detective sergeants from the Queensland Police for $56,000—vanished without explanation.
Then came the damning admission. On April 18, 1995, Arbitration Project Manager John Rundell wrote:
“Any technical report prepared in draft by Lanes will be signed off and appear on the letter of DMR Inc.” (see Prologue Evidence File No 22-A)
That single sentence revealed the corruption at the heart of the arbitration.
When I asked why neither investigator had signed off on the report, Paul Howell from DMR Group Canada and David Reid from Lane Telecommunications Pty Ltd (Australia), the arbitrator, Dr Hughes, rejected my request in two telephone calls and in his letter dated 5 May 1995, noting:
“I refer to your telephone message of 4 May and your facsimiles of 4 and 5 May 1995 and advise I do not consider grounds exist for the introduction of new evidence or the convening of a hearing at this stage.”
And he reiterated his previous instructions:
“...any comments regarding the factual content of the Resource Unit reports must be received … by 5.00 p.m. on Tuesday 9 May 1995″. (see Arbitrator File No/48)
It was not until August 1996 that I finally received Paul Howell’s signature from DMR Canada—over a year later. By then, Lane’s report had been prepared long before DMR even established its presence in Australia.
The conclusion is inescapable: the process was riddled with deception as Telstra's Falsified BCI Report 2 shows. Ericsson absorbed Lane while Ericsson’s equipment was under scrutiny. To this day, I remain deprived of essential Ericsson claim documents—documents that, by agreement, should have been returned within six weeks of the arbitration’s conclusion. Yet here I stand in 2025, still fighting.







